Can this marriage be saved? Republican leaders, hard-right groups show signs of political divorce
J. Scott Applewhite, Associated Press
WASHINGTON — Republican leaders and several hard-right groups are displaying the classic signs of a political divorce, including bitter name-calling and reprisals against one another.
The recent eagerness of House Speaker John Boehner and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell to lash out at groups that have given them fits has unshackled others in the Republican ranks to publicly question the motivation of organizations like the Senate Conservatives Fund, Heritage Action, Madison Project and Club for Growth.
Such organizations disparage Republicans they accuse of following the path of least resistance in Washington and vow to replace them in primaries with conservative purists.
"I think there's a growing recognition around here that many of the outside groups do what they do solely to raise money, and there are some participants inside Congress who do the same," said Sen. Bob Corker. He said that some of the newer senators have caught on to "the disinformation, getting people to call offices, send in small donations to a website."
"I think people are getting tired of that. I tired of it before I got here," said the Tennessee Republican.
Increasingly in public, Boehner and McConnell are challenging the outside groups' credibility — and complaining that they are the ones tarnishing conservatism.
But it goes both ways.
In the recent dust-up over the budget deal, the outside groups suspect that Boehner has a hidden motive. They suggest he's anxious to put economic fights in the rear-view mirror so he can tackle contentious immigration legislation early next year, before the first round of March primaries in Texas and Illinois.
The groups' suspicions were heightened by the recent high-profile budget success of Rep. Paul Ryan, R-Wis., who favors a way out of the shadows for the estimated 11 million immigrants living in the U.S. in violation of the law, and in Boehner's hire of a Senate staffer who worked on bipartisan immigration legislation for Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz.
"It's very easy to see that they want to clear a lane to pass amnesty," said Daniel Horowitz, policy director for the Madison Project, who described the overall differences with Republican leaders as irreconcilable.
Michael Steel, spokesman for Boehner, scoffed at the link between the budget deal and immigration.
"The agreement has nothing to do with the need to fix our broken immigration system," Steel said in a statement Monday.
It wasn't always this acrimonious.
Tea partyers and conservative activists helped the GOP claim the House majority in 2010 and seize state legislatures that redrew congressional boundaries to the GOP's advantage. Those new lines enabled Republicans to withstand strong Democratic turnout in the 2012 presidential year and hold their House edge, a margin the GOP is expected to maintain or even increase in next year's midterm elections.
The outcome was far different in Senate races. Outside conservative groups backed less-viable candidates who flamed out in general elections in Colorado, Nevada and Delaware in 2010 and in Indiana and Missouri in 2012. Establishment Republicans insist that cost them a Senate majority as well as some breathing room for 2016 when 24 Republican seats are up, compared with only 10 for Democrats.
Senate Republicans were upset in the fall when outside groups did little to help bona fide conservative Steve Lonegan in New Jersey's special election contest against Cory Booker, who won the open seat after a somewhat desultory campaign.
House and Senate Republican leaders, for their part, were angry when the Senate Conservatives Fund, the Madison Project and Heritage Action pushed for the 16-day partial government shutdown last fall on behalf of a goal that many agreed was unrealistic — undoing President Barack Obama's health care law.
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