GOP infighting fierce even in Western strongholds like Utah and Idaho
In Idaho, Mike Simpson is a burly, cigarette-smoking dentist whose district sprawls eastward from Boise to the Wyoming-Utah border, nearly 300 miles away. Snow-streaked mountains tower above hard-pressed former railroad towns and tourist-driven ski and snowmobile resorts. Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney beat Obama here by a 2-to-1 margin in 2012.
Simpson, a more gregarious talker than Smith, likes to say, "I'll put my conservative credentials against anybody's." He notes that he voted 40 times to halt or delay Obama's health care law.
But unlike Idaho's other three members of Congress, Simpson didn't vote to continue last month's partial government shutdown beyond 16 days. Tea partyers insisted the shutdown go on, even though it was hurting the Republican Party's image.
They also note that Simpson joined House GOP leaders 11 months ago in backing a resolution that raised taxes on the rich, but not on the remainder of Americans.
Those were common-sense agreements that averted worse outcomes, Simpson said at a suburban coffee shop in Boise, the state's biggest city.
Because nearly all Republicans strongly oppose higher taxes, increased regulations and the president's health care law, he said, the party's split "is over strategy, not philosophy." The next two elections, Simpson said, will determine "whether the Republican Party is going to be a governing majority, or whether we're going to resign ourselves to be an ideologically pure minority."
That sounds like surrender to Smith.
The incumbent, he says, is part of Washington's "go along to get along" crowd.
In interviews and public settings, Smith sticks to tea party talking points. On a recent blustery night in a bare-bones meeting hall in southeastern Idaho, Smith told a small gathering it's impossible to defund the health law as long as Democrats control the Senate and White House. Nonetheless, he said, he proudly sides with those "who are willing to stand up and fight for conservative principles," even if their efforts have no legislative chance.
Smith, whose speaking style is earnest and deadpan, has yet to prove he can raise enough money and excitement to beat Simpson. But some conservative state legislators, including Idaho Rep. Janet Trujillo, support him.
Trujillo rejects claims that Republicans can't win presidential elections unless they temper their rhetoric on social issues, especially when addressing minority, female and young voters. "The party is going to have to get back to its conservative roots," she said, and candidates such as Smith can help do that.
The GOP's internal angst in the West also reaches U.S. Sen. Mike Lee of Utah. He's the one who rocked Republican circles in 2010 by ousting U.S. Sen. Robert Bennett in a state party convention. Lee accused Bennett of being too conciliatory with Democrats.
Establishment Republicans, including big fundraisers for Romney, are openly criticizing Lee's recent take-no-prisoners tactics, including his doomed efforts to bar money for what Republicans call "Obamacare."
Lee's Senate website now depicts a bridge symbolizing efforts to close "the gaping hole" in the Republican Party "that separates the grass roots from establishment leaders."
Trent Clark, a former Idaho GOP chairman, says the loss of manufacturing and ranching jobs in many Western areas contributes to social unease and an openness to the tea party's "throw out the hierarchy" message. Many Idahoans detest a $17 trillion federal debt, he said, and they "feel there is no more room for compromise" in Washington's budget talks.
But Republicans who refuse to cut the best possible deals with Democrats, Clark said, "are not being strategic." He said he backs politicians such as Simpson "who can make some headway on these issues."
That's the idealism vs. pragmatism decision that millions of Republican voters must make in upcoming primaries. It already troubles Dennis Turner, one of the 18 people who showed up for Smith's public forum in Montpelier this month.
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