Jacquelyn Martin, Pool, File, Associated Press
DUBAI, United Arab Emirates — In Washington last week, arms regulators announced that Saudi Arabia is seeking $6.8 billion in advanced missiles and other equipment in its latest military buying spree. Days later, Saudi officials snubbed a seat on the U.N. Security Council in a stunning protest mostly aimed at U.S. policies in the Middle East.
This role of being an eager customer and emboldened critic may come to define the new relationship between Saudi Arabia and its longtime ally: The kingdom warns it won't sit idly as Washington's views increasingly drift away from the Gulf state's priorities of keeping Iran and the West as far apart as possible and steadily supplying arms and aid to Syria's rebels.
The Saudi-U.S. alliance has been among the bedrock elements of Middle East affairs for decades, and even small fissures carry outsized significance in a region that is in huge flux amid the chaotic Arab Spring fallout, the Syrian civil war and the election in Iran of moderate-leaning President Hassan Rouhani.
But there is very little chance that Saudi Arabia and its Gulf partners will push their grievances against Washington far enough to risk any deep damage, knowing they need the U.S. as a source of protection, arms and international standing.
Still, the script of Saudi Arabia enjoying predictable U.S. support has been rewritten somewhat after a series of high-profile breaks, including America pulling back from possible military strikes against the forces of Syrian President Bashar Assad and last month's historic U.S. outreach to Iran, Saudi Arabia's regional rival.
"The Saudis and other Gulf states may complain loudly about turns in U.S. policy," said Mona Abass, a Bahrain-based political analyst. "But, at the end of the day, they know they need America and won't do anything too much to damage that relationship."
It leaves Saudi Arabia at an unfamiliar crossroads.
It has already made clear, through leaks and intermediaries, that collaboration with Washington could be scaled back in regional intelligence-sharing and strategic planning. This could potentially undercut U.S. monitoring of al-Qaida factions and others in Yemen, where Saudi spy networks are strong. It also could leave U.S. officials facing more challenges in Syria, where rebel factions count on support from Saudi Arabia, Qatar and others seeking to bring down Assad and his Iranian-backed government.
Saudi Arabia has the potential, meanwhile, to deal a huge blow to a proposed Syrian peace conference next month in Geneva. Any talks would ring hollow if Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states stayed away.
The Saudi ruling monarchy, however, knows it cannot chip too deeply into the foundations of its U.S. ties. These include intricate and established business networks built around oil and tens of billions of dollars in arms purchases from U.S. defense contractors in recent years, including more than 80 F-15 fighter jets and, last week, plans to buy more than 1,000 precision-guided missiles and bombs.
The enormous Saudi arsenal is built with one main objective: countering possible threats from Iran. The U.S. overtures to Tehran have dismayed Saudi leaders and their Gulf partners, who worry that nuclear talks could leave Iran with a scaled-down but mostly intact nuclear program under stricter U.N. monitoring.
Saudi Arabia was blindsided by the U.S. decision to put aside possible military strikes in favor of a plan to dismantle Assad's chemical weapons stockpile. It was seen as "wrecking" the designs of the Saudi intelligence chief, Prince Bandar bin Sultan, who is believed to be directing the flow of cash and arms to rebel factions, said Theodore Karasik, a security and political affairs analyst at the Dubai-based Institute for Near East and Gulf Military Analysis.
The strains with Washington are deepened by worries that Saudi support extends to radical Islamist groups that share the strict brand of Wahhabi Islam in the ultraconservative kingdom.
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